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This article deals with a current or ongoing event. Information may change rapidly as the event progresses.
The 2003 occupation of Iraq by the multinational force which defeated Saddam Hussein's regime is generally said to have begun with the "end of major combat operations" as announced by the president of the United States, the chief occupying power. Significant support for the occupation came from the United Kingdom and up to 35 other nations including Australia, Italy, Poland providing at least some troops, with varying levels of assistance from Japan and several other allied countries.
The purpose of the occupation, as stated by US President Bush, was to complete the "liberation" of Iraq from an "evil dictator" and allow the Iraqi people to enjoy freedom and prosperity on a par with other nations in the First World.
Critics have vociferously and relentlessly challanged the sincerity of this purpose, making various claims that it was:
Critics have also called the occupation "illegal" and hold the US, as the chief "occupying power" to be in violation of international law.
Despite the official "end" of the occupation, some critics argue that the US in effect is still occupying Iraq, for the following reasons:
On May 1st, 2003 President Bush declared the "end of major combat operations" in Iraq on an aircraft carrier with a large "Mission Accomplished" banner. On 28th of June 2004, the official "occupation" of Iraq ended with the transition of "sovereignty" to a caretaker government lead by Iyad Allawi. Over 100,000 US military personnel, and an undisclosed number of contractors, remain in Iraq, and the US forces continue to engage in direct confrontation with insurgent elements, including those based in Fallujah and Sadr City. As of September 1st 2004, 934 allied service personnel have been killed in Iraq during the occupation, and the United States reports 3698 as "wounded not returned to duty within 72 hours".
In the weeks that followed violent crime spiraled upwards, particularly in the very poor neighborhoods of Baghdad, which became one of the most dangerous cities in the world, rivaling the violence seen in Johannesburg, South Africa. The inability of successive interior ministers to create an effective security force, and the willingness of insurgents to target police training and police stations with car and truck bombs, as well as the skyrocketing unemployment and collapse of the pervasive secret police system used by the Baath Party, contributed to the escalation of civil, as well as political, violence. The failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption and decaying infrastructure had a left major cities functioning at much reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council.
In the summer of 2003, the US military focused on hunting down the last remaining high leaders of the former regime, culminating in the bombing deaths of Saddam's two sons in August. In all over 200 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel. However, even as the Baath party organization disintegrated, elements of the secret police and army began forming resistance units, since in many cases they had simply gone home rather than fight the invading forces. These began to focus their resistance around Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah. In the fall, these units began employing ambush tactics, suicide bombings and "improvised explosive devices" targeting US forces and checkpoints. They favored attacking the unarmored Humvee vehicles, and in November they were able to successful attack US rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market.
In December Saddam himself was captured, and with the weather growing cooler, US forces were able to operate in full armor or "battle rattle", reducing both casualties and openings. The provisional government began training a security force which was scheduled to defend critical infrastructure, and the US promised over 20 billion in reconstruction money. Of this less than half a billion was spent as of 10 months after its appropriation, and instead oil revenues were tapped for reconditioning schools and work on the electrical and refining infrastructure. At the same time, elements left out of the IPA began to agitate for elections, most prominent among these was Ali al-Sistani, Grand Ayatollah in the Shia sect of Islam. More violent elements, some connected with international terrorist groups, and with conduits to Iran, Pakistan and Syria, stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad south to Basra.
In the spring the United States and the IPA decided to crush the growing rebellion with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque, which had become the focal point for the Mahedi Army and its activities. Just before the American attack on Fallujah, four military contractors were ambushed and their corpses desecrated, touching of a wave of emotionalism. In the ensuing offensive, the United States was unable to dislodge the insurgents, and instead suffered repeated attacks on its own rear and flank. While the Marine Division attacking had clear superiority in ground firepower and air support, it was forced to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Baathist general in complete charge of the town. The marines were then shifted south, because Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. The marines relieved the Poles and Italians, and put down the overt rebellion, but were unable to reestablish control over the centers of the towns. At the same time the British forces in Basra were faced with increasing restiveness, and became more and more selective in the areas that they patrolled. In all April, May and early June represented the bloodiest months of fighting since the end of hostilities, and little was resolved other than to establish a military stalemate - with the US gradually admitting that it was facing organized military forces capable of independent operations.
In June the United States handed over limited sovereignty to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. The government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency, and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, has lead to repeated delays. Moktadar Al-Sadr openly took control of Najaf, and after negotiations broke down the government asked the United States for help dislodging him. Through the months of July and August a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imman Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by al-Sistani in late August. Sadr then declared a national cease fire, and openned negotiations with the American and government forces on disbanding his militia and entering the political process. These negotiations are still in progress.
Currently the Allawi government, with significant numbers of hold overs from the Coalition Provisional Authority, is engaged in attempts to secure control over the oil infrastructure, source of Iraq's foreign currency, and control over the major cities of Iraq. The continuing insurgencies, poor state of the Iraqi Army, disorganized condition of police and security forces, as well as the lack of revenue have hampered their efforts to assert control. In addition both former Baathist elements and militant Shia groups have engaged in sabotage, terrorism, open rebellion and establishing their own security zones in all or part of a dozen cities. The Allawi government has vowed to crush resistance, using US troops, but at the same time has negotiated with high profile militia leader Moktadar al Sadr.
Main article: Multinational force in Iraq
Though there are currently still 30 nations with troops participating in the stabilization of Iraq, well over 80% of the forces occupying Iraq are American. The next largest contingent is that of the United Kingdom, discounting the approximately 20,000 private security contractors under various employers. There was a similarly large contingent of Spanish-speaking forces from Latin America and led by Spain; this contingent left in mid-Spring 2004.
There has been some reported disagreement between American and British forces about how the postconflict peace keeping and reconstruction should be conducted , with the British favoring a more 'softly-softly' approach than the Americans.
On September 7th, 2004, the British Royal Institute of International Affairs issued a saying that if current conditions continue unabated in Iraq, the most likely outcome would be a major civil war which could destabalise the entire Middle East.
Prior to the invasion, the U.S. promised a speedy transition to a democratic government, and the initial outline included the creation of an Iraqi constitution and the active role of Iraqis in the process of establishing a new government as well as in the interim authority. United States officials' public pronouncements have emphasized that the US invasion was not about occupation, but about liberation. From before the invasion until mid-May 2003, U.S. officials emphasized that an Iraqi-led government would be established "as soon as possible".
In November 2003, Paul Bremer announced the plan to turn political authority to the Iraqi governing council by June 30, 2004 with the expectation that a constitution would then be drawn up. The constitution was written and approved by the Iraqi Governing Council in March, 2004. The United States has stated its plans to enter into a security agreement with the new Iraqi government and maintain military authority until a new Iraqi army is established. The Bush administration remained committed to this date despite the unstable security situation. The interim Iraqi government was named in May 2004, upon which the Iraqi Governing Council was dissolved; there is heavy overlap between the two governing bodies.
The U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority has, for administrative purposes, divided Iraq into three security zones: a northern zone in the Mosul - Kirkuk region, a central zone in the Baghdad - Tikrit region and a southern zone in the Basra - Nasiriya region. The northern and central zones are garrisoned by US troops, while the southern zone is garrisoned by Polish troops (around Nasiriya) and British troops (around Basra).
In the early months of the occupation, looting and vandalism prevented the restoration of basic services such as water, electricity, and sanitation. By spring 2004, these services were mostly restored to pre-war levels. Ongoing work is continuing to provide sufficient sanitation. Uneven power distribution remains a problem, with cities in the northern and southern provinces receiving electricity 24 hours a day, while the Baghdad area continues to have periodic blackouts. Because many Iraqis have been purchasing large appliances, summer 2004 will test the fragile power grid, when demand is expected to make a large increase.
The treatment of human rights by the occupying forces has been subject to criticism, several US officers are under investigation for mistreating prisoners at the Abu Ghraib prison. Some have already been disciplined. Mistreatments of Iraqis by British soldiers was reported as well, although of the many sets allegations and pictures, several sets were later found to be faked or stolen from adult websites.
Former Baath Party members and military officers who have no criminal past or human rights abuses have been allowed to return to government positions.
For the reconstruction, contracts were awarded to private companies. Initially companies from countries that had opposed the war were excluded from these contracts, but due to protests this decision was reversed. It was debated whether some companies favoured because they had connections to high-ranking members of the Bush administration, like Halliburton . This suspicion had already been a concern during the global protests against the war on Iraq. An audit found that Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg Brown and Root (KBR), may have overcharged the U.S. government $61 million (on contracts worth billions) for bringing oil products for the U.S. army into Iraq via a Kuwaiti subcontractor, Altanmia Commercial Marketing Co.
Some also argue that foreign contractors are doing work which could be done by unemployed Iraqis, which might be a factor fueling resentment of the occupation.
See also: Reconstruction of Iraq
Main article: Politics of Iraq
The establishment of a new civilian government of Iraq was greatly complicated by the religious divisions between the majority Shi'ite population and the formerly ruling Sunni class. Moreover, all the people in Saddam's ruling Ba'ath Party were tainted by the association. Also, in northern Iraq, Kurds had already had effectively autonomous rule for 12 years under the protection of the no-fly zone.
On May 16, 2003, U.S. officials abandoned the plan to cede authority to a democratically chosen interim civilian Iraqi government (similar to what had happened in Afghanistan following the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan) and presented a resolution to the U.N. to give the United States and the United Kingdom broad power and lift economic sanctions on Iraq, allowing the occupying countries authority to use oil resources to pay for rebuilding the country. Passage of the resolution allowed them to appoint an interim government by themselves.
On July 13, 2003, an Iraqi Governing Council was appointed by Coalition Provisional Authority Administrator L. Paul Bremer. Due to the lack of support for the council in the population its members will be excluded from the caretaker government being planned by UN special envoy Brahimi to manage the country after June 30th, 2004 until elections can be held in 2005.
On May 22, 2003, the UN Security Council voted 14-0 to give the United States and Britain the power to govern Iraq and use its oil resources to rebuild the country. Resolution 1483 removed nearly 13 years of economic sanctions originally imposed after Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait. The resolution allows U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to appoint a special representative to work with U.S. and British administrators on reconstruction, humanitarian aid, and the creation of a new government.
Due to pressure from war-opposing Security Council members, the resolution created a new Development Fund for Iraq, which will collect funds from oil sales. The fund will be run by the United States and Britain to rebuild the country, and it will be overseen by a new advisory body composed of the United Nations and international financial institutions. It will begin its existence with a $1 billion deposit, funds transferred from the United Nation's oil-for-food account. The oil-for-food program will be phased out over a six month period. The resolution requires a one-year review, a step sought by both Germany and France. Syria, which was the sole Arab state represented on the council, was absent from the meeting. In June 2004 the New York Times reported American authorities spent $2.5 billion from Iraqi oil revenue despite agreements that the oil revenues should be set aside for use after the restoration of Iraq's sovereignty.
On August 14, 2003, the UN Security Council voted 14-0 to "welcome" the creation of the Iraqi Governing Council. Resolution 1500 stopped short of formally recognizing the governing council as Iraq's legitimate governing body but called it an "important step" towards creating a sovereign government.
For several months the United States maintained that it intended to convene a constitutional convention, composed of influential Iraqis. The deadline for this convention was pushed back further and further by the U.S. interim authority until it appeared to have been suspended indefinitely. However, European demands for an early election and Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani insistence for them eventually forced the United States to let the appointed Governing Council serve this function.
In the early months of the occupation, new officials were appointed to several local and regional positions (e.g. mayors, governors, local councils). The officials were chosen from a select group of individuals (including ex-Ba'ath party officials) in an attempt to speed the return to normality and to avoid the election of people opposed to the American and British presence. Certain religious clerics and other officials were considered to be overly radical or dangerous. On occasion the appointed officials were found to behave less than admirably. On June 30, 2003 the appointed mayor of Najaf was arrested on charges of corruption.
Though some protested the lack of initial democracy (as proposed by initial occupation head Jay Garner, who wanted elections within 90 days), it should be pointed out that in its ideal form democracy requires a civil society to function effectively and hold honest elections. Iraq had a very brief history of democracy and one-party rule had left the country ill-qualified to function as one. It was therefore very technically difficult, though not impossible, to hold elections so quickly after the war. In recent months however, civil society at a local level shows signs of recovery in some areas of Iraq. However, much to American disquiet it largely seems to be based around religious figures. Municipal and city elections were held in some of the southern and northern provinces.
On November 15, the Iraqi Governing Council, announced that a transitional government would take over in June from the U.S.-led powers, and that an elected government would follow by the end of 2005 once a constitution had been drafted and ratified. The transitional government would be selected in June 2004 by a transitional council formed in May 2004.
The Governing Council revealed the timetable after the United States Government, in reaction to significant terrorist and militant activity against occupying troops and also aid organisations, abandoned its earlier plan that a sovereign government would take charge only after creating a constitution and elections held. Jalal Talabani, current chairman of the council, said the transition would involve "the creation of a permanent constitution by an elected council, directly elected by the people, and also the election of a new government according to the articles of this new constitution before the end of 2005."
In March of 2004 an interim constitution was formally created, called the Law of Administration for the State of Iraq for the Transitional Period. The document calls for the creation of an elected National Assembly to take place no later than January of 2005.
Various proposals have been made regarding full sovereignty for Iraq:
It has been asserted that the term "return of sovereignty" stems from a flawed understanding of international law: sovereignty is vested in the people of Iraq, independently from the formal structure of the state.
Main article: Politics of Iraq
In early June 2004, President Bush said that he was working with various world leaders to create a U.N. Security Council resolution endorsing the transition from the US-dominated occupation to complete autonomy for Iraq. In his statement, Alliance forces in Iraq until the new government could establish security and stabilization: "There is a deep desire by the Iraqis ? don't get me wrong ? to run their own affairs and to be in a position where they can handle their own security measures," he said. This decision may be necessary to prevent anti-democratic forces from seizing regional or national power and re-creating the kind of dictatorship which prompted the invasion of Iraq in the first place.
On June 28, 2004, the occupation was formally ended by the Coalition, which transferred power to a new Iraqi government led by Prime Minister Iyad Allawi. The multinational military alliance is assisting the Allawi government in governing the Iraqis. The purpose of the Occupation of Iraq was, according to U.S. President George W. Bush, purely to bring about a transition from post-war anarchy to full Iraqi sovereignty.
Main article: Iraqi resistance
The occupation was resisted from forces inside Iraq. In the early months following the start of the occupation, American and British deaths averaged one a day, in sniper attacks, suicide bombings at road checkpoints, and ambushes. Some attacks against occupying troops seem prompted by motivations of revenge (e.g., when six British soldiers were killed by angry Iraqis after they shot four demonstrators at a protest).
In the initial months of the occupation, dozens of Iraqis were shot in anti-Alliance demonstrations, mostly in the nation's Sunni Muslim areas. While Shi'a Muslim areas were mostly peaceful, Ayatollah Sayed Mohammed Baqir al-Hakim, who returned to Iraq after decades in exile shortly after the occupation began, said: "We are not afraid of the British or American troops. This country wants to keep its sovereignty and the forces of the coalition must leave it."
In late June of 2003 there was some public debate in the U. S. as to whether the resistance could be characterized as a guerrilla war. On June 17th, Army Gen. John P. Abizaid said that forces in Iraq were "conducting what I would describe as a classical guerrilla-type campaign against us. It's low-intensity conflict in our doctrinal terms, but it's war however you describe it." In a statement to Congress on June 18th, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz said "There's a guerrilla war there but we can win it." However, U. S. defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld, on June 31st, characterized the situation in Iraq as a "guerrilla war" and blamed resistance on five groups:
"That doesn't make it anything like a guerrilla war or an organized resistance," Rumsfeld said. "It makes it like five different things going on [in which the groups] are functioning more like terrorists."
Main article: Resistance Sabotage
Sabotage of oil pipelines and refineries have been part of the resistance of the so-called Iraqi insurgents, a term widely used in the Western media to describe members of the Iraqi resistance. The United States had intended to quickly rebuild Iraqi infrastructure for production back to pre-war levels, but widespread sabotage crippled this initiative.
Main article: Fallujah
The Fallujah counteroffensive Operation Vigilant Resolve was launched on April 5 in response to the March 31 murder and mutilation of four of Blackwater's employees. Roads leading into and out of the city were closed. When the US marines tried to enter the city fierce fighting erupted. Members of the Iraqi resistance opened fire with heavy machine guns, rockets, and rocket propelled grenades. The marines answered by bringing in tanks and helicopters trying to overcome the opposition.
The ensuing firefight resulted in a large number of casualties. Dozens of marines were killed and injured. 271 of non-coalition forces were killed and 793 were injured according to official counts for the period of April 5 through April 22. Conflicting reports leave it unclear how many of the dead and injured were rebel fighters or women and children. . Arab media report that snipers have shot civilians and target ambulances trying to take the injured to hospital. These reports have been confirmed by numerous Western eye-witnesses (, , , , ).
There are also reports of ambulances and aid convoys being used by the Iraqi resistance to smuggle weapons and fighters into the city. Coalition officials have claimed that the Iraqi resistance is using mosques and schools as command posts and weapon storage facilities. A suicide bomb vest factory was discovered by marines days after entering the city.
After several failed attempts at ceasefires, the US backed out of the city. A marine commander, commenting on the reasons, stated "We don't want to turn Fallouja into Dresden". The US handed authority of the city over to a former Iraqi general who served under Saddam Hussein, and whose fighters the US acknowledges include many members of the Iraqi resistance.
Today, the city is widely viewed as a free rebel town; banners in the city streets proclaim victory over the United States, and the mosques have spoken praise of the Iraqi resistance. The general, Muhammed Latif, told Reuters, ""I want the American soldier to return to his camp. What I want more is that he returns to the United States," . The old Iraqi army uniforms have been brought back in the Falluja brigade.
US marines encircled Fallujah with an earth wall, trying to control access to the city. Though they allowed women and children to leave the city, when a male tried to leave, he was sent back. Very few western journalists reported from Fallujah, while Arab news-organizations, including al-Jazeera were still reporting from the city. The Americans were often critical about these reports, which are widely believed to be anti-American in nature. After a car bombing killed Izzadine Saleem, the then-head of the Iraqi Governing Council, Ahmed Chalabi blamed the attack and others like it on the deal in Falluja. "The terrorists are free to roam around and they have been given sanctuary in Fallujah," Chalabi said. "The garage is open and car bombs are coming repeatedly."
On June 19, 2004, 22 Iraqis, among them women and children, were killed in a U.S. air strike in a residential neighborhood in Fallujah where U.S. forces are believed to have targeted members of the Iraqi resistance.
Main article: Muqtada al-Sadr
On April 4th, coalition forces closed Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr's newspaper al-Hawza, claiming that it contained incitements to violence. One example provided was that on February 26th, an article claimed that a suicide bombing in Basra that killed 53 people was a rocket fired by the Americans, and not a car bomb. In response, al-Sadr launched a day of protests. During these protests, members of the Iraqi resistance (who may or may not have been tied to al-Sadr) ambushed an Coalition patrol guarding a trash collecting unit was ambushed in Sadr-City resulting in the deaths of 8 soldiers. Meanwhile, several dozen of al-Sadr's followers were killed during their protests.
The coalition responded by arresting one of al-Sadr's closest aides, leading to al-Sadr calling on his followers to rise up. The next days fighting erupted in many cities in southern Iraq, including Karbala,Kut, Nassiriya and Basra. The CPA announced the existence of a three-month-old arrest warrant, issued by an Iraqi judge, on al-Sadr, claiming that he was responsible for the killing of Coalition-aligned cleric al-Khoei. The warrant itself inspired further opposition, as Khoei's own followers blamed Baathists for the murder, the Coalition-appointed Iraqi Minister of Justice stated that he had no knowledge of the warrant, and the Iraqi Jurists Association declared the warrant "illegal". Al-Sadr, who had previously created his own parallel government and a militia called the al-Madhi Army, instructed his followers to no longer follow along with the occupation, and suggested that they attack Coalition soldiers, and his followers took control of several southern cities, often with the support of local authorities and police.
During the first few days of the uprising al-Sadr stayed in Kufa were he traditionally had a large following. On April 7 he moved to Najaf, into a building close to the shrine of the Imam Ali, the holiest shrine in the Shia faith. After fierce fighting during the first days of the uprising, his followers took control over many cities in southern Iraq. In Kut the Ukrainian occupational contingent was forced out of the city. The Italians were contained inside their base in Nassiriya and in Basra the governor's palace was occupied. In Karbala Polish and Bulgarian forces were able to hold their own after battle lasting whole night. The Alliance reacted by dispensing a reactionary force on April 8 to Kut, forcing al-Sadr followers to melt away into the city's population. The same happened in most of the other cities and control was nominally ceded. Only in Najaf and Kufa did the Americans not enter. These two cities are effectively under the control of al-Sadr followers. The Coalition has sent 2500 marines to Najaf to try to 'arrest or kill' al-Sadr.
At the moment al-Sadr is protected by his fellow Shi'ite leaders who have forbidden the Alliance to enter the city. Negotiations are going on between al-Sadr and other leaders to find a solution to the stand-off. Initially hopeful that al-Sistani would force al-Sadr to capitulate, the coalition was disappointed where, while he called for all sides to show restraint, he focused instead on condemning coalition activities in Fallujah. In mid May of 2004, Coalition forces began pushing into Najaf. In the process, they invaded several mosques to seize weaponry, and there were reports of damage on some of Shia Islam's holiest shrines. The Coalition has reported a steady stream of al-Madhi army casualties, al-Sadr and hospital officials have disputed the numbers, and both have claimed that many of them were civilians. The al-Madhi army has claimed few American casualties, but on May 17, it was reported that the army drove Italian troops from their base in Nasiriyah called "Libeccio" ("southwest wind") . 10 Italians were wounded, along with 20 al-Madhi army fighters wounded and two killed, in the assault. Meanwhile, a convoy transporting the Italian official in charge of the city came under attack, and two Italians were wounded. The base was peacefully retaken the next day in a negotiated settlement with local clan leaders.
While the Alliance has continually insisted that he has little support, and there have been limited clashes with the smaller SCIRI, he has seldom been condemned by his more senior clerics. Islamic courts have expanded their influence in areas he controls, the sacred Imam Ali mosque now ends its call for prayers with a request for divine protection for him, and his followers have clearly been large in number. Many believe that al-Sistani has not spoken out against al-Sadr for fear of turning Shiite against Shiite. A poll in Iraq found that, in mid May, 32% of Iraqis strongly support al-Sadr, and another 36% somewhat support him.
In response to the occupation, Iraqi militants have taken foreign hostages, including citizens of countries both supporting of and opposed to the invasion. To date this includes people from Canada, China, France, Israel, Italy, Japan, Pakistan, Russia, South Korea, Turkey, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America.
The hostage taking appears to be uncoordinated with different groups making various demands, and some hostages being released, whilst others are killed. Al-Sadr has denied any involvement in hostage taking.
As a result of the uprisings U.S. General John Abizaid, has requested an addition 10,000 troops be sent to Iraq after admitting that a number of Iraqi security personnel had abandoned their posts or joined the Iraqi resistance. On April 16, U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld announced that he had approved General Abizaid's request and had extended the tour of roughly 20,000 soldiers, who were scheduled to be rotated out of Iraq, by three months. A fresh mass grave was found near Ramadi, containing the bodies of over 350 Iraqis . It is unclear whether this mass grave contained dead civilians and/or militants.
A few days after the 11 March 2004 Madrid attacks, popular opposition to the occupation was reinvigorated in Spain and the ruling Partido Popular was accused of deceiving the public by blaming the attack on ETA rather than fundamentalist Muslims. A new government was elected and announced that they no longer support the United States occupation of Iraq and are withdrawing all of their troops. The prime minister elect José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party who ousted former conservative prime minister José María Aznar stated, "The occupation is a fiasco. There have been almost more deaths after the war than during the war," he said. "The occupying forces have not allowed the United Nations to take control of the situation." On April 17, 2004, Zapatero ordered the immediate withdrawal of Spanish troops to avoid being involved in an anticipated struggle for the Shiite holy city of Najaf.
Following on the heels of this, several other nations that once formed the Coalition of the Willing have begun to balk at their role. The Dutch refused a US offer to commit their troops to Iraq past June 30, while Honduran officials stated that they plan to withdraw their troops as well - the announcement coming one day after they had stated that they would stay. The troops of the Dominican Republic will leave Iraq as soon as possible. It is speculated that El Salvador and Guatemala will likely follow suit. South Korea is not withdrawing its troops, but has canceled its plans to deploy an additional 3,600 troops to around Kirkuk, opting instead for regions they consider more stable (which may prove problematic to US military planners).
On the heels of the 2004 spring uprising, Kazakhstan confined its 30 troops to their headquarters indefinitely, and announced that they will be withdrawn after its tour ends in May. New Zealand has announced that it will withdraw its 60 troops in September, and Singapore has announced that its 200 troops have returned home and that it has no plans to send any further troops. Thailand, who was already planning not to renew their troop commitment after September, has announced that it is investigating withdrawing its troops before the June 30 transition. Portugal has announced a similar investigation. The Philippines have put a hold on new deployments and are planning to pull out. Bulgaria isn't pulling out, but is letting any of its troops who want to leave go home; 62 out of 480 had left as of April 17th. Nicaragua is leaving as well, claiming that they are too poor to pay for their deployment. President Ricardo Maduro announced that the troops will be pulled out shortly. Many other nations, while staying in, are facing strong opposition at home and have elections coming up soon (such as Australia and Denmark).
Many nations that have announced withdrawal plans or are considering them have stated that they may reconsider if there is a new UN resolution that grants the UN more authority in Iraq.
On 16 July 2004, The Philippines ordered the withdrawal of all of its troops in Iraq in order to comply with the demands of terrorists holding Filipino citizen Angelo de la Cruz as a hostage. De la Cruz was confirmed released on 20 July, after all Philippine troops had left Iraq.
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